Building Iraq's Military (Al-Akhbar, March 1)

The US Embassy in Baghdad announced earlier this week that the Iraqi army has received a new batch of Abrams tanks. It said that the US has already delivered 131 tanks to the army and is close to completing the full delivery of 140. The Iraqi defense ministry confirmed receiving them, adding that the Iraqi forces have completed their training in the new tanks.

But some parliament members said that they were surprised that the US Embassy is withholding the remaining tanks. These parliament members demanded an investigation be opened into why there were not delivered.

According to a US Embassy statement, however, "the nine remaining tanks are in Iraq, but in US possession...waiting for the arrival of certain components for these tanks so it can deliver a complete purchase to the Iraqi army in accordance with US government standards. As soon as the components arrive, OSC-I (Office of Security Cooperation-Iraq) will deliver the additional nine tanks to the Iraqi army. We expect this will take place within the coming weeks."

The delivery of the tanks comes as part of a major and long-term plan to allegedly arm the Iraqi military with modern US weapons. This is particularly important now that Iraq has the capacity to deploy a professional army based on voluntary, rather than obligatory, recruitment.

Although different numbers are floating around on the possible cost of the arms deal, the official estimate was declared by General Muhammad al-Askari, the defense ministry spokesman, who put it at US$13 billion.

Al-Askari said that the government has signed contracts with Washington that include the purchase of F-16 fighter jets, helicopters, tanks, warships, and light weapons.

Iraq had requested 18 F-16 fighter jets at US$2.5 billion, or US$150 million per jet, as the first installment for purchasing 100 F-16's.

But the weapons deal has been surrounded by controversy from its very inception.

Iraqi Kurdish leaders have expressed strong reservations in regards to arming the Iraqi military.Iraqi Kurdish leaders - recalling their bitter experiences with previous governments - have expressed strong reservations in regards to arming the Iraqi military with such modern weapons, fearing that the federal government might use them against the Kurds in the future.

Kurdish leaders have privately told media sources that they have asked the US administration to impose a condition on Baghdad that would ban its jets from flying over autonomous Kurdish airspace.

But the request was turned down, according to Iraqi air force commander, Lieutenant Anwar Hamad Amin, who said, "Our modern jets will carry out their flights over all Iraqi airspace, including the Kurdistan region, which is part of federal Iraq and its air space."

Iraqiya List leaders Ayad Allawi and Rafe al-Essawi have joined the front opposing the armament deal in a December 7 article in the The New York Times. But the third leader in the List, Osama al-Nujaifi, publicly distanced himself from this article, saying his name was inserted without his knowledge.

In the article, the two political leaders rejected arming Iraq's military and other security forces, saying "American assistance to Iraq's army, police, and intelligence services must be conditioned on those institutions being representative of the nation rather than one sect or party."

But these politicians' reservations have not had a direct or significant effect on the arms deal. Their positions are widely seen as motivated by political and sectarian considerations.

Externally, Kuwait was alone in opposing weapons sales to Iraq, citing its fears of a new invasion similar to Saddam Hussein's 1990 assault on the emirate.

Political sources said that the official Kuwaiti criticism came from the highest political levels. As a part of this criticism, they informed Washington of their opposition to the Iraqi purchase of F-16 fighter jets. When they failed to stop the deal, Kuwait requested written US assurances that these weapons will not be used against it in the future.

Many ordinary Iraqis have also expressed opposition to the armament campaign, dismayed by poor public services, deteriorating living conditions, and the breakdown of infrastructure.

Shortages in electricity and clean drinking water have become a major problem, which the government has repeatedly failed to address, except in the autonomous region of Kurdistan.

Analysts and politicians say that there is a public awareness of the need to build a professional army capable of defending the country and confronting security challenges that often claim the lives of civilians.

But some analysts view public opposition to arms expenditures as being directed at the government's priorities more than an explicit rejection of arming the military.

"There were purchase deals where the money was paid to some countries but the weapons never arrived."Other legitimate fears expressed by political and judicial circles surrounding these enormous arms deals stem from huge corruption cases related to previous arms deals, especially under Allawi's government. In 2005, then Defense Minister Hazem Shaalan was convicted and sentenced in absentia on charges of financial corruption involving the embezzlement of US$1.3 billion.

Military affairs experts point to examples of exposed corruption cases, including a US$25 million contract approved by Shaalan's ministry, when the real value of the deal did not exceed US$5 million. According to the online newspaper of the Iraqi National Congress, led by Ahmad Chalabi, the contract put the price of one purchased bullet at 16 cents, while its real value was 4 cents.

In a 2007 report by the late Marie Colvin in The Sunday Times, she quoted Iraqi sources and Western diplomats as saying that Shaalan was accused of embezzling US$800 million from the defense ministry's budget.

This amount was part of almost US$9 billion that went missing from the general Iraqi budget during the first years of the occupation. The Sunday Times quoted Judge Radi al-Radi, the former head of the commission that investigated the case, as saying that it was one of the biggest embezzlement operations in the world.

Other examples of corruption in the armament files, which have become a popular topic among Iraqis, include press exposures of a number of cases.

For example, the defense ministry signed a deal to purchase the latest MB5 rifles, each estimated at a cost of US$3,500, but instead imported poorly made, Egyptian-made copies valued at US$200 per rifle.

Another case involves a deal to "purchase Pakistani-made armored personnel carriers, which turned out to be so old that they can barely fend off Kalashnikov bullets, let alone the fact that their steering wheels are on the right hand side, not the left."

According to analysts and observers closely monitoring this issue, these Iraqi armament scandals do not absolve Maliki's current or previous government from responsibility.

"It seems that the opportunity has not yet arose to open these files and expose scandals of corruption, which will not be any less shocking than others under the Allawi and [Ibrahim] al-Jaafari governments," as one observer put it.

Meanwhile, the parliamentary security and defense committee has before it arms deals that date back to the days of Saddam Hussein.

"There were purchase deals where the money was paid to some countries but the weapons never arrived," MP Hakem al-Zameli said, adding, "We are examining and reviewing this matter."

Analysts say that Iraqis widely expect the next government to expose new facts and strike larger deals, but that bad services will remain unchanged and the infrastructure will only deteriorate further.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.