isis Sanctuary Map - مناطق نفوذ داعش في

#isis Sanctuary Map in #Iraq and #Syria as it of Oc. 17, 2016
مناطق نفوذ #داعش في #العراق و #سوريا آخر تحديث في 17 - اكتوبر - 2016

By ISW

 

Iraq Security weekly report, week #9

Counter-insurgency operations targeting the Islamic State (IS) organisation intensified around Tikrit last week, while the group continued to conduct attacks in the wider central-northern region.

Otherwise, countrywide a total of 16 non-suicide bomb attacks left 24 people dead and 78 injured. Two additional suicide bombings left five people dead and 24 injured.

Small arms attacks left 20 people dead and 14 injured, including members of the security forces shot during clashes with militants.

Indirect fire incidents (rockets, mortars and military artillery shelling) left four people dead and 16 injured.

At least 136 people were publicly executed by militants or murdered only to have their bodies later recovered by the authorities.

_________

Source: AKE GROUP

Iraq Security weekly roundup, week 4

 Islamic State (IS) militants continue to fight the federal and Kurdish security forces in several parts of the central and northern region.

Last week saw a notable rise in violence in Ta'mim province and a concurrent decline in violence in the neighbouring province of Salah ad-Din, with IS militants evidently turning their attention towards the Kurdish forces protecting the oil-rich and culturally sensitive city of Kirkuk.

Anbar province also saw very heavy fighting, as did the outskirts of Mosul, Baghdad and even western Diyala province, despite recent military gains reported from the area.

The southern region was relatively quiet.

Countrywide a total of 24 non-suicide bomb attacks left 69 people dead and 42 injured. Six additional suicide bombings left 24 people dead and 41 injured. This constitutes a rise in bomb-related casualties over the past week.

Indirect fire incidents (rockets, mortars and military artillery shelling) left 47 people dead and 93 injured – a very high figure.

Small arms attacks left 19 people dead and 41 injured, including members of the security forces shot during clashes with militants.

At least 193 people were publicly executed by militants or murdered only to have their bodies later recovered by the authorities – an extremely high figure.

*The poor reporting climate makes it very difficult to verify the full extent of current casualties and violence.

_______________

Source: AKE

Iraq Security Weekly Roundup

 Islamist militants led by the IS continue to battle with the federal and Kurdish security forces in several parts of the central and northern region but with the increased assistance being provided by the US military the militants are likely to lose territory in the short term in areas between Mosul and Erbil.

Otherwise fighting remains concentrated in areas with large Sunni populations, particularly the northern and central provinces.

Significant flashpoints include a large stretch of Ninawa province, areas south and west of Kirkuk, all of urban Anbar province (and numerous rural areas in the west of the province around the Syrian border), the Jurf as-Sakhr area of Babil province and many parts of Diyala and Salah ad-Din provinces. Baghdad also continues to see sporadic violence.

The southern region remains mostly quiet. The Kurdish administered north, while understandably rattled by IS activities around its peripheries, saw no major incidents of violence last week, although a significant influx of refugees will continue to put pressure on the authorities.

Last week a total of 39 non-suicide bomb attacks left 14 people dead and 77 injured countrywide. There were no additional suicide bombings reported which is statistically unusual.

Such a lull has occurred over recent years, normally either ahead of a significant co-ordinated terrorist attack involving a number of suicide bombers, or at a time when counter-insurgency operations intensify. The latter has occurred over recent days which may be the reason for the brief interruption in suicide attacks. Nonetheless, further suicide bombings, including co-ordinated potentially mass-casualty attacks, should be anticipated.

Small arms attacks left 11 people dead and four injured, including members of the security forces shot during clashes with militants. However, the true number of dead in the military operations is extremely difficult to ascertain.

At least 14 bodies were recovered abandoned in different parts of the central region (including in Baghdad).

Indirect fire incidents (rockets, mortars and military artillery shelling) left 23 people dead and 32 injured according to open sources, but some of the figures come from areas under militant control. The true casualty figures in these areas are only likely to be verified following a cessation of hostilities and with the conducting of an intense social survey on the ground, but such a development is likely a long way away.

Please note: 

*It is very difficult to ascertain the number of violent incidents and casualties in areas contested by Islamic State (IS) militants and the true figure is likely to be significantly higher.

___________________

Source: AKE GROUP

Iraq Security Weekly Roundup

Islamist militants led by the Islamic State (IS) continue to battle with the federal and Kurdish security forces in several parts of the central and northern region.

The Iraqi government warned the UN that the militants had seized a chemical weapons facility north-west of Baghdad as well as nuclear material in Mosul, although various commentators reported that the militants would be unable to weaponise the material to any major extent and that it did not pose a major concern – at least not in comparison to the overall capabilities and threat posed by the IS in its existing form.

Amid the ongoing crisis the Iraqi parliament convened on 13 July but failed to appoint key members of government and subsequently adjourned within minutes of meeting. The next session will take place on 15 July.

The scope for cross-party agreement will remain low, with sharply deteriorating relations between Nuri al-Maliki and his allies and the Kurdish regional authorities in the north. Last week Nuri al-Maliki accused Erbil of harbouring terrorists while the Kurdish authorities seized control of two major oilfields near Kirkuk. While they aim to protect the assets the move is nonetheless provocative and will harm relations with the federal authorities.

With political relations so frayed the authorities will continue to seek a military solution to the insurgency in the central and northern provinces but without extensive negotiations, inclusion of key community figures and meaningful efforts to form an inclusive government the military solution will not pacify or stabilise the country.

As the fighting continues concerns have been raised over the stability of routes connecting Baghdad with the south of the country via Babil province. Roads around Jurf as-Sakhr are likely to be a significant battleground, the outcome of which will affect various aspects of life in the capital – including any evacuation plans which organisations in the city currently have in place.

Last week a total of 36 non-suicide bomb attacks left 12 people dead and 41 injured. Three additional suicide bombings left 36 people dead and 38 injured.

Small arms attacks left 38 people dead and 44 injured, including members of the security forces shot during clashes with militants. Indirect fire incidents (rockets, mortars and military artillery shelling) left 33 people dead and 87 injured.

At least 66 people were reportedly murdered, with their bodies found abandoned. Thirteen people were also reportedly abducted in the centre of the country.

Source:AKE

Building Iraq's Military (Al-Akhbar, March 1)

The US Embassy in Baghdad announced earlier this week that the Iraqi army has received a new batch of Abrams tanks. It said that the US has already delivered 131 tanks to the army and is close to completing the full delivery of 140. The Iraqi defense ministry confirmed receiving them, adding that the Iraqi forces have completed their training in the new tanks.

But some parliament members said that they were surprised that the US Embassy is withholding the remaining tanks. These parliament members demanded an investigation be opened into why there were not delivered.

According to a US Embassy statement, however, "the nine remaining tanks are in Iraq, but in US possession...waiting for the arrival of certain components for these tanks so it can deliver a complete purchase to the Iraqi army in accordance with US government standards. As soon as the components arrive, OSC-I (Office of Security Cooperation-Iraq) will deliver the additional nine tanks to the Iraqi army. We expect this will take place within the coming weeks."

The delivery of the tanks comes as part of a major and long-term plan to allegedly arm the Iraqi military with modern US weapons. This is particularly important now that Iraq has the capacity to deploy a professional army based on voluntary, rather than obligatory, recruitment.

Although different numbers are floating around on the possible cost of the arms deal, the official estimate was declared by General Muhammad al-Askari, the defense ministry spokesman, who put it at US$13 billion.

Al-Askari said that the government has signed contracts with Washington that include the purchase of F-16 fighter jets, helicopters, tanks, warships, and light weapons.

Iraq had requested 18 F-16 fighter jets at US$2.5 billion, or US$150 million per jet, as the first installment for purchasing 100 F-16's.

But the weapons deal has been surrounded by controversy from its very inception.

Iraqi Kurdish leaders have expressed strong reservations in regards to arming the Iraqi military.Iraqi Kurdish leaders - recalling their bitter experiences with previous governments - have expressed strong reservations in regards to arming the Iraqi military with such modern weapons, fearing that the federal government might use them against the Kurds in the future.

Kurdish leaders have privately told media sources that they have asked the US administration to impose a condition on Baghdad that would ban its jets from flying over autonomous Kurdish airspace.

But the request was turned down, according to Iraqi air force commander, Lieutenant Anwar Hamad Amin, who said, "Our modern jets will carry out their flights over all Iraqi airspace, including the Kurdistan region, which is part of federal Iraq and its air space."

Iraqiya List leaders Ayad Allawi and Rafe al-Essawi have joined the front opposing the armament deal in a December 7 article in the The New York Times. But the third leader in the List, Osama al-Nujaifi, publicly distanced himself from this article, saying his name was inserted without his knowledge.

In the article, the two political leaders rejected arming Iraq's military and other security forces, saying "American assistance to Iraq's army, police, and intelligence services must be conditioned on those institutions being representative of the nation rather than one sect or party."

But these politicians' reservations have not had a direct or significant effect on the arms deal. Their positions are widely seen as motivated by political and sectarian considerations.

Externally, Kuwait was alone in opposing weapons sales to Iraq, citing its fears of a new invasion similar to Saddam Hussein's 1990 assault on the emirate.

Political sources said that the official Kuwaiti criticism came from the highest political levels. As a part of this criticism, they informed Washington of their opposition to the Iraqi purchase of F-16 fighter jets. When they failed to stop the deal, Kuwait requested written US assurances that these weapons will not be used against it in the future.

Many ordinary Iraqis have also expressed opposition to the armament campaign, dismayed by poor public services, deteriorating living conditions, and the breakdown of infrastructure.

Shortages in electricity and clean drinking water have become a major problem, which the government has repeatedly failed to address, except in the autonomous region of Kurdistan.

Analysts and politicians say that there is a public awareness of the need to build a professional army capable of defending the country and confronting security challenges that often claim the lives of civilians.

But some analysts view public opposition to arms expenditures as being directed at the government's priorities more than an explicit rejection of arming the military.

"There were purchase deals where the money was paid to some countries but the weapons never arrived."Other legitimate fears expressed by political and judicial circles surrounding these enormous arms deals stem from huge corruption cases related to previous arms deals, especially under Allawi's government. In 2005, then Defense Minister Hazem Shaalan was convicted and sentenced in absentia on charges of financial corruption involving the embezzlement of US$1.3 billion.

Military affairs experts point to examples of exposed corruption cases, including a US$25 million contract approved by Shaalan's ministry, when the real value of the deal did not exceed US$5 million. According to the online newspaper of the Iraqi National Congress, led by Ahmad Chalabi, the contract put the price of one purchased bullet at 16 cents, while its real value was 4 cents.

In a 2007 report by the late Marie Colvin in The Sunday Times, she quoted Iraqi sources and Western diplomats as saying that Shaalan was accused of embezzling US$800 million from the defense ministry's budget.

This amount was part of almost US$9 billion that went missing from the general Iraqi budget during the first years of the occupation. The Sunday Times quoted Judge Radi al-Radi, the former head of the commission that investigated the case, as saying that it was one of the biggest embezzlement operations in the world.

Other examples of corruption in the armament files, which have become a popular topic among Iraqis, include press exposures of a number of cases.

For example, the defense ministry signed a deal to purchase the latest MB5 rifles, each estimated at a cost of US$3,500, but instead imported poorly made, Egyptian-made copies valued at US$200 per rifle.

Another case involves a deal to "purchase Pakistani-made armored personnel carriers, which turned out to be so old that they can barely fend off Kalashnikov bullets, let alone the fact that their steering wheels are on the right hand side, not the left."

According to analysts and observers closely monitoring this issue, these Iraqi armament scandals do not absolve Maliki's current or previous government from responsibility.

"It seems that the opportunity has not yet arose to open these files and expose scandals of corruption, which will not be any less shocking than others under the Allawi and [Ibrahim] al-Jaafari governments," as one observer put it.

Meanwhile, the parliamentary security and defense committee has before it arms deals that date back to the days of Saddam Hussein.

"There were purchase deals where the money was paid to some countries but the weapons never arrived," MP Hakem al-Zameli said, adding, "We are examining and reviewing this matter."

Analysts say that Iraqis widely expect the next government to expose new facts and strike larger deals, but that bad services will remain unchanged and the infrastructure will only deteriorate further.

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.